TELEPHONE TAPE: Posner suggests that there was no tape of an Oswald phone call to the Soviet embassy (86), apparently unaware that W. David Slawson of the Warren Commission has admitted having listened to the tape in a letter to Amanda Rowell. (87) Posner calls the tape a "claim," (88) suggesting that, like the photos, it was incorrectly identified as Oswald, based on the statement of a retired CIA official. Slawson reports it was a tape of Oswald. Posner goes on to say: "Since there was no ... tape recording proving he was there," as though he had proven the tape was nonexistent. (89) A few pages later (90), he notes Oleg Nechiporenko's mention of a call from Oswald.

PLANNING: Posner details Oswald's careful planning for the shooting attempt on General Walker (91), yet as of November 1 Oswald clearly expected to be using his new post office box through the end of the year, and seemed to have no plans in mind which might sabotage this, as he put down rental money for the entire period. (92) Posner argues that Oswald came up with the idea of the assassination on November 19 or 20, when the mororcade route was published in the local papers. (93) His "planning" for this shooting allegedy began with a good breakfast on November 22, arrangement with Buell Frasier for a day early ride to Irving for curtain rods (which Posner states "his apartment did not need", (94), and making a paper bag at the Depository (95), ignoring Sylvia Meagher's careful discrediting of the paper bag scenario (96). Posner then implies that Oswald reassured himself that his family could get along fine without him, and mentally terminated his relationship with them. (97) On the other hand, he didn't seem familiar with the motorcade plans on the morning of November 22. (98) Posner also notes that Oswald "evidently did not have time" to buy bullets, so he used the four "he had left from his last practice session." (99)

OSWALD ON JFK: Posner cites negative comments about JFK (100), and an uncharacteristic refusal to talk about him on Nov. 21 (101), but fails to report Marina's consistent statements that Oswald liked and admired JFK.

THE PAPER BAG: Posner begins by implying that Linnie Mae Randle described the paper bag as under Oswald's armpit, and reaching almost down to the ground, which misrepresents her testimony. (102) He later reports Randle said Oswald cupped it in his right hand, matching the print found on the bag. (103) The bag found in the Depository was too long to be under his armpit and cupped in his right hand, but that is how Randle and Frasier described it. Posner then indicates Randle and Frazier thought the bag similar to the one found at the Depository, notes microscopic blanket fibers found inside it (104) (he later admits this evidence is inconclusive) (105); and notes that no curtain rods were found in the Depository (106), concluding that the bag is thus proven authentic and the source of the rifle, though it showed no signs of oil from the well-oiled gun. (107)

OSWALD'S WHEREABOUTS: In his zeal to confirm the findings of the Warren Commission, Posner adopts some of its bad habits. An example is his summary of Oswald's movements from 11:45 a.m. until 12:30 p.m. (108) He implies that no one saw Oswald during this period, explicitly dismissing the testimony of of Carolyn Arnold. He ignores the testimony of Bonnie Ray Williams and Billy Lovelady, who both said Oswald asked them to send the elevator back up for him; William Shelley, who saw Oswald on the first floor about five minutes later, at 11:50 (109), Eddie Piper, who saw Oswald on the first floor at noon (110), and Mary Hollies, who saw Oswald on the second floor about 12:25. (111) This doesn't sound like the Oswald whom Posner has busily building a shield of boxes on the 6th floor this entire time. He also states that James Jarman denied seeing Oswald in the first floor lunchroom, but fails to note the testimony of his companion, Harold Norman, that "there was someone else in there." but he didn't remember who it was. He has Oswald busily at work while Bonnie Ray Williams ate his lunch on the sixth floor, neither seeing (as Posner notes) or hearing (as he fails to note) any sign of such activity, through at least 12:05. (112) This leaves a total of 20 minutes for Oswald (assuming he was on the 6th floor as early as 12:06, which Mary Hollies' testimony casts into doubt) to construct the "shield of boxes," arrange the boxes for the "sniper's nest," and assemble the rifle. Posner says "The sniper's nest was not difficult to construct," (113) He says that "An FBI agent ... using only a dime as a tool" assembled the Carcano in six minutes, but according to Dr. Roger McCarthy of Failure Analysis (the company upon whose work his Appendix A is based), testifying in a mock trial of Oswald in 1992, the Carcano could not be assembled with a dime, which was too thick to fit the necessary slots; he added that the Carcano is "a difficult assembly." (114)

SECOND MAN?: Posner then focuses on discrediting witnesses who reported more than one man on the 6th floor after 12:05, or anyone not fitting Oswald's description. (115) In his attempt to do this, he states the Charles Bronson film was examined by Itek Corporation (I have never heard of an Itek evaluation of the Bronson film, though another firm analyzed it for the HSCA) for CBS, and found no one in the windows. (116) CBS makes no mention of such a study in its specials after 1978, when the film was discovered, and Posner may confusing it with films studied by Itek for its 1975 2-part program on the case. As for the HSCA study, he says "neither (study) showed a second person," but the HSCA study, done by Aerospace Corporation, isn't so firm (117) and further study of the original film is recommended. (118) That further study has never been done. Posner's footnote on the films is, at best, misleading. He also ignores the Dillard photograph (119) (mentioned in one of Robert Groden's memos to HSCA (120), and shown in his slide presentations, but unpublished to date), which shows a man in the west end window of the Depository only moments after the shots were fired; the man has never been identified.

OSWALD WITNESSES: Posner then summarizes those witnesses whose testimony would be consistent with Oswald in the 6th floor window. (121) To support the accounts of Robert Edwards and Ronald Fischer, he accepts Oswald's statement that he changed his shirt later at the rooming house, (122) though Oswald's rooming house housekeeper mentioned only that he got his jacket. (123) He spends much time citing witnesses who saw a rifle in the 6th floor window (l24), a fact which is seldom disputed. He then introduces Howard Brennan, whom he describes as leaning on the retaining wall and visible in the Zapruder film (this is true: it shows Brennan sitting on the wall, as does the photo in Posner's own photo section). (125) He states that Brennan saw a man in the 6th floor window about the time the Bronson film was taken (126), after arguing the Bronson film shows no one in the window. (127) Although Amos Euins, also on the retaining wall, is unable to describe the shooter (128), he accepts Brennan's rather improbable description as credible. (129) Although critical of accepting later testimony by witnesses, which he views as tainted, (130) Posner takes 8 of his Brennan citations from Brennan's 1987 book. (131) One of the details this produces is the statement that the assassin had "a slight smirk."

THE MOTORCADE: Posner states that "no Secret Service men rode on the running boards," and says this was "As the President and his staff had requested," (132) but photographs taken at the time of the turn onto Main Street, and after, show agent Clint Hill on the rear running board. (133)

THE ASSASSINATION: When the shots were fired, says Posner, "The President's arms jerked up into a locked position level with his neck (134) in fact, as the Zapruder film clearly shows, the President's right arm was coming down from a wave, and the left arm rose. The "locked position" description is an apparent attempt to conform to Dr. John Lattimer's argument that Kennedy's arms lock into "Thorburn's position." (135) Later he says the right arm is rising " in response to the wound" rather than coming down. (136) He implies that driver Greer turned back once to look at Kennedy, though the film shows him turning back twice. He describes debris from the head wound going upward and forward, avolding mention of the fact that it splattered motorcycle officers behind the limousine, though he quotes other testimony by one of the officers in the next paragraph. Much later, he mentions the splattering of the officers, but only to dismiss its significance. (137)

EARWITNESSES: Posner argues that since Officer J.W. Foster said the shots came from the direction of Elm and Houston, that he is identifying them as coming from the Depository (138), though there are three buildings at Elm and Houston, one (Dal-Tex) a suspected source of shots. He describes Abraham Zapruder, who reported shots as coming from behind him, as "confused by the acoustics," and Roy Truly as also "confused" when he pointed to the knoll as the source of the shots. (139) He cites Josiah Thompson's witness catalog, and statements by Joe West and Jim Marrs, (140) but is apparently unaware of Craig Ciccone's catalog of 326 witnesses, of whom 90 reported shots from the knoll, 46 from the Depository, and 6 from both. (141)

ACOUSTICS: Posner attacks the acoustics report cited by the HSCA, but ends his discussion with the Ramsay Report, making no mention of subsequent rebuttals. (142) He reports, without giving a source, that "[H.B.] McLain was photographed accompanying Mrs. Kennedy into the hospital," (143) but doesn't include the photo in his photo section. (144) The only evidence he provides is McLain's own account of his presence at the hospital, mentioned later in the book. (145) Later, he simply refers to "the flawed acoustics findings." (146)

CONSPIRACY WITNESSES: In his largely successful attempt to discredit some of the accounts of Jean Hill (following in the footsteps of critic Peter R. Whitmey), Posner typically goes overboard, stating that "The Zapruder home movie shows Hill never moved or said a word as the President passed, and she was not even looking at him when he was first shot. (147) At the time of the first shot (argued at from Z-frame 161 to 210), Jean Hill isn't visible in the Zapruder film (she doesn't appear until frame 287), so the film provides no evidence as to whether she said anything or stepped out and back prior to frame 287. Posner clearly misrepresents the contents of the film. He also states that her account of mistreatment by Arlen Specter is untrue because "There is nothing remotely approaching such conduct by Specter in the stenographer's verbatim transcription of the deposition," (148) yet she is not the only witness who reported being browbeaten, and there were off-the-record discussions between counsel and witnesses which didn't appear in the "verbatim transcriptions." He seeks to dismiss Lee Bowers' testimony, saying "there is some doubt whether Bowers saw anything during the assassination," (149) because his job kept him very busy, yet Bowers earliest statements indicate he saw something by the fence. He dismisses Gordon Arnold, saying Senator Yarborough's account actually refers to Bill Newman (150), though Yarborough specifically described a "young serviceman" in uniform. Newman was a veteran, but was in civilian clothes that day. Ed Hoffman, he says, could not have seen what he claims, because "his view... was blocked" by "four large railway freight cars." (151) Unfortunately for this argument, the freight cars don't appear in the photos by Altgens, Willis and others taken just after the shots, and he doesn't identify the photographs which he alleges support his claim. He adds that the view was obstructed by a billboard, which Mel Mclntire's photos show was at the wrong angle to obstruct the view from Hoffman's location. Finally, he reports that obstructing "foliage was as dense in 1963 as it is today," (152) a statement not supported by the 1963 photos; again, he cites no photographic sources. He also dismisses (more credibly) statements by Malcolm Summers, Roger Craig and Tom Tilson. (153)

SMOKE: Posner also works hard to discredit the "puff of smoke" witnesses (154) saying "modern ammunition is smokeless," (though accounts of the 1978 acoustics tests mentioned seeing smoke from the rifle firing), there was a wind blowing, and it was probably steam.

UNBRELLA MAN: Posner accepts the HSCA decision that Louie Steven Witt was the "umbrella man," (155) despite the fact that he doesn't look like him, described his actions in a way that contradicts the photo evidence (for which Posner takes Jean Hill to task), and identified an umbrella that was clearly not the one in Dealey Plaza on November 22, 1963. He quotes Professor David Wrone as referring to "old-fashioned nut books, like the umbrella man," (156) though Wrone's own presentations are error-ridden. (157)

OSWALD AFTER: Posner has Oswald descending the stairs (158), apparently unaware of Mary Hollies' account saying she saw him on an elevator. (159) Posner next has Oswald seen by Officer Baker through the window in the door on the second floor, and "was 'hurrying' through a second door, which would have let him enter the office and conference area." (160) If, in fact, that was the door Oswald was "hurrying" through, their confrontation would have taken place in the office area; but Oswald was just going through the door to the second floor lunchroom, and that was where Baker confronted him. It is possible, as argued by Howard Roffman (161), that Oswald was coming from the office area. Posner avoids the question of whether Oswald had purchased a Coke prior to the encounter, but neither the official scenario or Roffman's makes it likely Oswald did so. Posner then suggests that Oswald's offering his taxicab to an elderly woman was a sign of his impatience rather than an indication he was in no great hurry. (162) When he is describing people's states of mind, Posner has a tendency to use "apparently" and "must have" quite a bit. He dismisses the account of the police car at Beckley by arguing that Earlene Roberts made up the story, (163) but accepts her account that he got his jacket, saying it was "to hide the revolver."

PLAZA AFTERMATH: Posner dismisses accounts of encounters with Secret Service agents in the Plaza as cases of mistaken identity.(164) He simply states that "no evidence of a shooter" was found on the grassy knoll, ignoring Holland's (and others') testimony of footprints and cigarette butts by the fence, and mud on a car bumper. He regards the issue of the three tramps resolved by the identifications in February 1992 (165), but eleven arrest reports were found for the railroad yards, and it is not clear the three publicized were the "famous" three photographed by newsmen. He also states that "the conspiracy press suddenly and quietly abandoned the issue," (166) but this is nonsense. (167) He also attributes the Chauncey Holt-Charles Harrelson tramp story to the Globe tabloid, (168) instead of to the researchers who surfaced the story the previous year at the Dallas A.S.K. conference. (169)

DEPOSITORY EVIDENCE: Posner skips over the question of why the paper bag doesn't appear in the police photographs. (170) He provides an interesting discussion of the Oswald prints lifted from the boxes in the "sniper's nest", (171) and of those on the rifle. (172) He fails to mention, however, that the palmprint found on the rifle was an old one, definitely not put there on November 22 (173), and that the print is not where a print would result from assembling the rifle. (174) He repeats the myth that police gathered "every one of the Depository's employees on the first floor. The only one missing was Lee Oswald." (175) This is pure nonsense, as several Depository employees had already been taken in by police for questioning, including Danny Arce, Bonnie Ray Williams and Charles Givens. (176) Others were still outside the TSBD building at the time. (177) Finally, the roll call referred to was apparently the second attempt, and not held until after Oswald's arrest. (178)

TIPPIT: Posner accepts the official version of the Tippit shooting. (179) He glides over contradictory evidence of Oswald speaking to Tippit through the open passenger side window of the police car (which was closed) by referring instead to "the open vent window." (180) He cites 1:15 as the shooting time, giving Oswald plenty of time to get there, by saying Bowley and Benavides used the police radio "immediately" to call in a report (181), but Bowley, who arrived after the shooting, reported the time as 1:10 (he looked at his watch when he arrived). (182) This is consistent with the account of Benavides, who reported waiting "a few minutes" before going to Tippit's car; he then fumbled with the radio, unable to operate it, before Bowley came over and made the call. (183) Helen Markham identified the time as 1:06 or 1:07, as she was on the corner waiting for the 1:15 bus (four witnesses put the shooting as early as 1:00). (184) Posner seems to prefer the convenient version over the probable one. He cites the Warren Commission testimony suggesting there would be no witness-related motive for the January 1964 shooting of Reynolds (185), failing to note that Reynolds earlier account differed from the one he gave, post-shooting, to the Commission. He states "there is no credible eyewitness testimony that undercuts the evidence that Oswald was the shooter," (186) dismissing those who gave a different description of the shooter and reported a second man with him.

MISSED STORIES?: Posner states (187) that the young man who directed NBC newsman Robert MacNeil to a telephone was Oswald, but MacNeil (188) is skeptical of this, and the man mentioned by Oswald is most likely local newsman Pierce Allman, who was also directed to a phone inside the Depository about the same time, and identified Oswald as the man who directed him (189). Posner also states that when WFAA cameraman Ron Reiland filmed Oswald's arrest inside the Texas Theater, "nothing developed." Although the film was underexposed, it still exists, and was included on the videotape "Films From the Sixth Floor."

PARKLAND: Although Posner is correct that Dr. Bill Midgely "has never before spoken publicly," (190) but his account was included in Dr. Charles Crenshaw's book, which Posner mentions in his bibliography. Posner falls to acknowledge the possibility that the damage to Kennedy's shirt collar and tie may have resulted when the nurses cut off his clothing. (191) He states the throat "wound was obliterated" by the tracheotomy (192), but Dr. Perry stated he only extended it, and the wound margins are visible in the autopsy photos. He says Darrell Tomlinson "was not certain from which [stretcher] the bullet had dropped," (193) but Tomlinson's description of the stretcher from which the bullet came didn't match Connally's stretcher; Posner also accepts that the bullet was CE 399, though Tomlinson's and O. P. Wright's descriptions of it don't match CE 399.

TAKING THE BODY: Removing the President's body, he says, was President Lyndon Johnson's idea (194), authorized by Dr. Charles Baxter, who is quoted as holding the absurd view that "the President was above state laws," and describing eminent forensic pathologist Earl Rose as "a sensationalist" who "would have missed points that have since come up." (195) Ironically, Dr. Rose was one of the leading pathologists later chosen for the Forensics Panel of the HSCA (which Posner later states had "vast experience in gunshot wounds", (196) to evaluate the Bethesda autopsy. Posner seems willing to smear Dr. Rose, to help justify removal of the President's body, but no one else seems to hold Dr. Baxter's apparent low opinion of Dr. Rose, whom even Baxter admits was "experienced and good." His qualifications certainly exceeded those of the doctors who did perform the autopsy, as Posner's account confirms. (197)

AUTOPSY: Though Posner concedes the lack of qualifications of the pathologists for doing a forensic autopsy, he quotes Dr. Michael Baden as saying that in 1963 "most people mistakenly thought a pathologist was a pathologist." (198) This begs the question of whether such ignorance extended to Dr. Burkley, the President's personal physician, and other officials involved. Dr. James Humes, who has tended to refuse interviews to researchers, gave one to Posner. (199) Posner refers to "an oft-repeated story of an FBI photographer, without any prior autopsy experience, who allegedly took the photographs," (200) but cites no source for this "oft-repeated story," which I have encountered nowhere in the literature. Posner quotes Humes as saying no one interfered with the autopsy, ignoring Dr. Finck's New Orleans testimony that there was interference, (201) only making a brief reference to this testimony 146 pages later. (202)

NECK & BACK WOUNDS: He flatly states that the Bethesda doctors "did not know there was an exit hole in the front of his neck", (203) though Dr. Burkley, who attended the autopsy, was aware of the neck wound, and nurse Audrey Bell reported calls from Bethesda to Dr. Perry "in the middle of the night" regarding the wound; and Dr. Robert Karnei said "I was convinced they talked to somebody that night... Pierre Finck, I think, talked to somebody." (204) He avoids discussion here of the back wound, referring to it only much later in passing, when discussing Edward Epstein's book Inquest: "the FBI's report to the Commission indicated the bullet... only penetrated a short distance and did not exit," adding that the HSCA "confirmed that the FBI report was simply mistaken." (205) Again, Posner betrays the reader's trust. It was the autopsy doctors who reported the back wound was shallow and they were unable to probe it more than a short distance, a comment duly noted by the FBI agents present, Sibert and O'Neill. Posner implies the source was the multi-volume summary report filed by the FBI. In addition, personnel present reported that, looking inside the chest, they could see the effect of the probe, unable to penetrate into the pleural cavity. (206)

HEAD WOUND: Posner makes a strong, argument against the idea of a rear exit wound in the head (207), but in the process argues that the Zapruder film clearly shows no rear exit (though the rear of the head is in shadow, the best copies of frames 316 and 317 seem to show a cratering in the rear of the head), and the Parkland doctors told "Nova" in 1988 that the autopsy photos show what they saw (though their hands still went to the rear of their heads when they were asked to describe the location of the wounds; they explained the apparent contradiction by suggesting that a flap of skin had been pulled up in the rear head photos, an idea Posner dismisses with a quote from Dr. Michael Baden (208). He quotes Dr. Jenkins' suggestion that Dr. McClelland's opinion has been influenced by his friendship with critic Robert Groden. (209) He also levels a strong attack on Dr. Charles Crenshaw (210), falsely stating that Crenshaw was only in Trauma One for "a few minutes near the end," quoting critical comments by his colleagues, including an anonymous "close Crenshaw friend" who describes him as "over the hill." He also seems unaware that holes in a skull, with "beveling" can be caused without a bullet entry or exit in that location, as the result of explosive damage to the skull blowing out weak spots. (211)

Go to Part 3 of the article

86  p. 182, 187-8.

87  Letter of W. David Slawson to Amanda Rowell, Dec. 4, 1992, published in 
The Investigator No 2. p.7, the result of G. J. Rowell's tenacious research
on this issue.

88  p. 187.

89  p. 188.

90  pp. 195-6.

91  pp. 103-6, 112-114.

92  Footnote, p. 209.

93  p. 220.

94  But photographs taken by Gene Daniel on Nov. 23, 1963, show his landlord
and landlady putting up curtain rods and curtains, making it unlikely that 
they were already there.

95  p. 220-1.

96 Accessories After the Fact (1976), pp. 47-48.

97  pp. 220-3.

98  p. 225.

99  p. 263.

100  p. 132.

101  p. 222.

102  p. 224.

103  p. 272.

104  Overlooking the fact that police evidence photos show the bag and 
blanket lying together before the evidence went to the FBI. 

105  Footnote, p. 272.

106  But Oswald wasn't seen entering the Depository with ANY package, so he
might have left one with curtain rods in another location near the building.

107  Footnote, pp. 224-5.

108  pp. 226-228.

109  Posner does indicate that Shelley saw Oswald at 11:45 instead of 11:50,
but he had just cited 5 witnesses who placed Oswald on the sixth floor at 
11:45! Footnote, p. 227.   

110  Posner simply states Piper "is clearly misaken," because Oswald was 
seen on the 6th floor 15 minutes earlier! Footnote, p. 227.

111  Mary Hollies, quoted in Edward Oxford, "Destiny in Dallas," American 
History Illustrated, Nov. 1978, p. 22.        

112  Footnote, p. 228.

113  p. 226.

114  "Trial of the Century," American Bar Association annual convention, 
August 10,1992.

115  pp. 228-31.

116  Footnote 2, p. 231.

117 "it is not likely to be due to human motion" but "the experts at this 
meeting could not say conclusively whether ... changes ... were due to real
motion": Letter of Charles G. Leontis, Aerospace Corporation, to Michael 
Goldsmith.

118  ibid., and Letter of Robert H. Selzer, Jet Propulsion Laboratory, to
Michael Goldsmith, HSCA, Dec. 21, 1978. 

119  Except to publish a small cropped portion in the photo section.

120  V.6, p. 310.

121  pp. 231-2.

122  Footnote, p. 232.

123  p. 268.

124  pp. 245-7.

125  p. 247.

126  p 248.

127 Footnote 2, p. 231.

128  p. 247.

129  Though Oswald is supposedly kneeling behind a stack of boxes, and 
only visible to a very limited degree, Brennan provided a height 
description.

130  p. 235.

131  Footnote, p. 249; pp. 543-4.

132  p. 233.

133  Author's collection.

134  p. 234.

135  Kennedy and Lincoln, p. 244.

136  p. 319.

137  Footnote, p. 316.

138  p. 237.

139  pp. 237-8.

140  Footnote 1, p. 238.

141  "Master List of Witnesses in Dealey Plaza, 11/22/63."

142  pp. 239-42.

143  Footnote, p. 240.

144  In reviewing dozens of published and unpublished photos taken at
Parkland, I was only able to locate one which showed Mrs. Kennedy at all,
and that shows her LEAVING Parkland and entering the hearse for the trip
back to Love Field, but if McLain is in this photo it proves nothing. I also
know of no film footage showing her entering the hospital.

145  p. 287.

146  p. 457.

147  p. 251.

148  p. 254.

149  Footnote, p. 255.

150  Footnote 1, p. 257.

151  p. 258.

152  Footnote, p. 258.

153  pp. 258-60.

154  pp. 255-6.

155  p. 260.

156  p. 469.

157  Sudbury Ontario JFK Symposium, Aug. 21, 1993. 

158  p. 264.

159  Hollies in Oxford, op. cit., p. 23.

160  p. 265.

161  Presumed Guilty  p. 220.

162  Footnote, p. 268.

163  Footnote, p. 268.

164  p. 269.

165  pp. 272-3.

166  p. 273.

167  Examples of later coverage include William Kelley, 
"Meet Chauncey Holt," The Third Decade, v. 9 #1, November 1992; and a group
of articles in Dateline: Dallas, v. 1 #4, Winter 1993. There was also a 
discussion of this issue at the October 1992 ASK conference in Dallas.

168  pp. 467-8.

169  And later in their book: John Craig and Philip Rogers, 
The Man on the Grassy Knoll (1992).

170  pp. 269, 272.

171  pp. 270-1.

172  p. 283.

173  Rusty Livingstone, Dallas Police Crime Lab, at 1992 Chicago Midwest 
Third Decade Conference.

174  Dr. Roger McCarthy (Failure Analysis), "Trial of the Century," op. cit.

175  p. 272.

176  As photographs and film sequences show.

177  Jim Marrs, Crossfire, p. 314, citing reporter Kent Biffle.

178  ibid.

179  pp. 273-4.

180  p. 274.

181  Footnote, p. 275.

182  CE 2003, p. 11.

183  Henry Hurt, Reasonable Doubt, p. 142.

184  ibid., p. 144.

185  Footnote, p. 277.

186  Footnote 1, p. 278.

187  Footnote, p. 245.

188  In his autobiography The Right Place at the Right Time, not in Posner's
bibliography.

189  CD 354, cited in Sylvia Meagher, op. cit., p. 75 (footnote 2).

190  p. 287.

191  Footnote, p. 288.

192  p. 289, and repeated on p. 305. 

193  Footnote, p. 294.

194  p. 294.

195  p. 295. 

196  p. 304. 

197  p. 300.

198  Footnote, pp. 300-301.

199  Footnote, p. 301.

200  p. 302.

201  Footnote, p. 304.

202  p. 450.

203  pp. 304-5,

204  Harrison Livingstone, High Treason 2, pp. 121, 186.

205  p. 416.

206  An example is the account of James Jenkins in High Treason 2, op. cit.,
p. 303.

207  pp. 307-14.

208  Footnote, p. 310,

209  p. 313.

210  pp. 313-14.

211  Dr. Roger McCarthy (Failure Analysis), "Trial of the Century." op. cit.